Even after flamboyantly confirming to the nation that he had told President Muhammadu Buhari of his intention to run for the presidency in 2023, the question remains unanswered whether former Lagos State governor, Bola Tinubu, will be in the race or not. He himself did not fully (yes, fully) help matters by claiming that he (Tinubu) was yet to confirm to Nigerians about his 2023 plans. In short, all Tinubu has done is mere statement of intent.
Even then, that seeming mere wish could only be taken for low purposes by Tinubu’s potential rivals. The profile of a known close confidant of Tinubu and Vice-President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo, for presidential venture in 2023 suddenly escalated in the past few weeks, with campaign posters and billboards in Abuja as well as tacit endorsement by former President Ibrahim Babangida. That seeming positive development reportedly ruffled political feathers in many places. Hence, the timing of the latest political moves towards 2023. For whatever reasons, Tinubu’s hint of contesting in 2023 has stirred many political quarters. Even in Osinbajo’s camp, it is now a new song. IBB’s endorsement of Osinbajo was not known to be at the instance of the VP. Rather, a group of northern youths solicited that endorsement. But it would be foolhardy not to expect reverberations. Hence, the new song in Osinbajo’s camp these days is that their stand would be made known at the appropriate time. This is a major shift from the erstwhile dismissal of any thought that Osinbajo would ever publicly vie for the top job with a man he himself acclaimed as his mentor who nominated him as Buhari’s running mate
Equally noteworthy was an anonymous piece in the social media, which clearly narrated its own correct version that, rather than Tinubu, the man who nominated Osinbajo as running mate for Buhari was former Ogun State governor, Ibikunle Amosun. Nobody has disputed this claim since then. Could this be an ordinary claim or the voice of a dark horse (for the 2023 presidential race) from Ogun State?
If for nothing, Tinubu’s proposed entry into the 2023 race has sparked the erstwhile half-hearted interest in South East for the 2023 presidential race. At the last count, two serving state governors, a senator and a former Senate President already offered to contest. None of these men should ever assume that a country’s presidency in this age is so ordinary to be handed over to anybody almost without contesting for it. The presidency is not a loaf of bread to be shared. You must work hard to get it.
An aspirant speculated all along for 2023 and whose body language so indicated his hope or even ambition was Ekiti State governor, Kayode Fayemi. Unfortunately, on the eve of Tinubu’s announcement of his plan to contest, Fayemi became defeatist by alleging his political adversaries were plotting to demarket him. So what? Demarketing an opponent is a legitimate weapon in the struggle for political power in both democracies and dictatorships, especially in an environment like Nigeria. Who was not demarketed in Nigeria? Northerners? Igbo? Why did Obasanjo lose his ward, local government and state in the 1999 presidential election? He was demarketed. If Buhari was not demarketed, why did he lose presidential elections in 2003, 2007 and 2011? The man reviewed his politics to be properly marketed and that enabled him to win presidential elections twice after losing three consecutive times.
Fayemi was voted out after a term of office. Why? Perhaps his adversaries set the trap for him. But he was guilty for falling into that trap. Otherwise, Fayemi should have known that, in South West, it is standard for workers to demand more and regular pay or they would go on strike. There is no record of this group ever going on strike throughout Obafemi Awolowo’s eight-year premiership in the West or under his party’s governors in the UPN days. In Ekiti State, to further their struggle for pay enhancement, workers went on strike. Petulantly, the striking workers, especially, teachers were arrested and arraigned for prosecution. Assuming the role of a Good Samaritan, I hurriedly contacted an aquaintance in Fayemi’s administration to deliver my advice to the governor to IMMEDIATELY withdraw the case and set the workers free. Teachers on criminal trial for demanding more pay or even going on strike? Any administrator, particularly a politician, who does that in Yorubaland puts his tenure at risk.
That exactly was what happened, as Fayemi was voted out. Obviously too weak to confront his governor with my advice to de-escalate and set the striking teachers free, the messenger told me that, actually, his governor (Fayemi) was not responsible for the plight of the striking teachers and that the police were responsible. I contemptuously asked him, “Who do you think you are talking to?” The rest is history.
Hence, so far in his lucky second term, Fayemi has strictly observed my advice never to confront workers, especially teachers. Prosecuting or indeed getting workers jailed is a damaging self-demarketing for any politician. Even if adversaries lay that trap, side-step it.
Also, notably demarketed all along for years was Bashorun MKO Abiola who, by 1993, got himself properly marketed to win a presidential election later canceled. Accordingly, exhibition of persecution complex will not win attention, let alone elections. In any case, no venture, no success. What is more, what was Fayemi expecting? To enter the race and be accepted or loved by everybody to be handed the presidency without a fight? Are Nigerian presidency and Nigerian voters so cheap? Those Nigerians who have announced their intention for 2023 had been demonised over the years and continue to be demarketed. An American president was credited with the exclamation that “If you don’t like the heat, get out of the kitchen.”
Every presumed negative publicity also has its positive side. That was the lesson from Bashorun Abiola in those days. According to him, an American friend calmed him down on his (Abiola’s) concern on everyday sponsored newspaper front page coverage of everything deplorable and pinned on him. The American friend advised Abiola to enjoy the free regular front page publicity offered him (Abiola) almost every day. Abiola further explained, somewhat enviously confessed, that, back in the United States, even if he (the American) offered to pay $10 million, no American newspaper (let alone newspapers) would cover him (the American) as the front page lead.
That is the lesson of not caring about hostile publicity.
Britain (still) tops
It was not as if there was any doubt that Britain’s version of democracy is unrivaled. And, if there was any doubt, such disappeared during the debate whether Boris Johnson, as prime minister, misled the nation to observe tight restrictions in social interactions while he engaged in party drinking fun at his 10, Downing Street, official residence in London.
Certainly, a section of the country was all out to end Johnson’s career as prime minister. It could happen only in Britain and televised live to the world. Again, anybody who doubted this should have watched Boris Johnson on the dispatch box for almost one hour explaining himself. He was sober, subdued and yet stuck to his guns that his next step would be determined by the outcome of an on-going official inquiry into the episode. Note that there was nothing in the prime minister’s demeanor to indicate quitting on this issue. An observer who concluded that the prime minister was buying time was perfect. By the time the issue returns to House of Commons to debate the report of the on-going official investigation, tempers would have died down.
Still, Boris Johnson never exposed himself to these tactics. For more than six times, each under provocative allegations of socialising while the whole country was strictly observing COVID-19 protocols imposed by the government, Boris Johnson repeatedly apologised. conceded events took place which should not have taken place and accepted full responsibility. The prime minister fully read this mood not ony in the parliament but also throughout the country and appropriately responded. The Boris Johnson of normal times would have humoured his way through aggressively and defiantly. But on this occasion, Boris Johnson’s handlers fortified him with an excellent opening speech professionally delivered and obviously aimed at placating the political wolves baying for the prime minister’s skin
Did Boris Johnson succeed in placating his blood-thirsty critics? Even on the government bench, the noticeable best was that those who shared the criticisms sat unconcerned, folding their arms. There was no better sign of indifference. Some of Boris Johnson’s sympathisers on the government bench unsuccessfuly tried many times to save the day by resorting to the standard practice of reminding the prime minister of government’s decision and even government’s achievements in other areas, all in vain attempt to divert the attention of critical sections of the parliament from the prime minister’s prevailing problems in parliament. But opposition Labour members as well as Scottish Nationalist and Liberal party colleagues every time resume criticisms of Prime Minister Johnson amid continued calls for Mr. Johnson’s resignation.
Has the British prime minister necessarily neutralised his critics or criticisms of his 2020 garden party even after his convenient excuse that he mistook the gathering for a working event while fellow citizens were dying of COVID-19 in hundreds daily? However much the latest might be the toughest battle for political survival, and perhaps more are still to come, there is something charming about his personality making him invincible if not indispensable. Since becoming prime minister, Boris Johnson, with a fresh general election, has quadrupled his party’s overall majority in House of Commons. As a public figure, he is as colourful as in the early days of Muhammed Ali’s career as a professional boxer. As Mayor, Boris Johnson’s hobby was bicycle riding round the city of London as part of regaining and consolidating public support for his party to rule Britain. Chinua Achebe would call him a man of the people.