From Romanus Ugwu, Abuja
Today, June 12, a historic, landmark date in Nigeria, certainly holds different memories for people in the country. For some, it is a date Nigeria, through the military junta, murdered democracy while majority of the citizens perceive it as a memorable date the country conducted the freest, fairest and most transparently credible presidential election in the annals of the nation’s history.
There are many others who argue that June 12 is a mere historic date to honour the hero and martyr of Nigeria’s democracy, MKO Abiola who paid ultimate sacrifice, and many others who lost their lives for the democratic future of Nigeria.
But, irrespective of whatever impressions one holds about June 12, it has not only become part of Nigeria’s political lexicon but incontrovertibly remained a watershed in Nigeria’s democracy.
It also, more importantly, marks the take-off point of Nigeria’s fourth republic.
The election of June 12 remains evergreen in the memories of Nigerians as it was characterised by fanfare, freebies -soaps, rice, milk, imported clothing items, etc, a replica of what could be referred today as “stomach infrastructure” generously handed out to lobby and woo the electorate across the country.
Significantly, it was one singular election that the Nigerian electorate dismantled ethnic sentiments, regionalism, religious bias and other endemic fault lines that have become features of the nation’s democracy.
It was a historic election that the electorate premised their choices on the character of the candidate, integrity, perceived competence, and the campaign programmes/manifesto of political parties ahead of many other negative qualities that have stagnated Nigeria’s democracy.
Many observers recall that Abiola, the winner and hero of the election on the platform of Social Democratic Party (SDP) was poles apart from his opponent and candidate of the National Republican Convention (NRC), Bashir Tofa. Before he died, MKO was unarguably the most philanthropic and flamboyant Nigerian unlike Alhaji Tofa who was hardly known outside the northern region. Abiola, a Southern Yoruba, had won 19 states (out of then 30), including Tofa’s home state, Kano( today’s Kano and Jigawa states) and the South-south states. Tofa, a Northern Kanuri, won in the South-East states.
The election and the favourable victorious outcome was poignant in many ways, especially in breaking the barriers of regionalism, ethnicity, religion, and sectarianism as Nigeria’s first major transnational mandate, facilitated by the military regime’s engineered two-party system.
In shattering religious barrier, Abiola’s Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket did not only receive nationwide acceptance and backing but was also a departure from the cynical, conspiratorial, and exclusionary Muslim-Muslim ticket of 2023 that deepened sectarian animosities especially during the build up to the poll.
Intriguingly, regional voting patterns were also upturned as the candidates won in certain regions outside their ethnic and regional bases. The outcome of the election was so instructive that no other poll has come close to it in terms of its pan-Nigeria acceptability. It was an election that the Nigerian electorate went into with much hope and enthusiasm.
Unfortunately, apart from the escalated tension and anxiety, the disappointing annulment of June 12 also triggered a relapse into the country’s default line of mutual hostility and suspicion among major nationalities, regions, and faith, disrupting every possibility of jointly fighting for the restoration of the mandate.
In retrospect, the annulment of the poll changed the political trajectory of the country and had triggered protests that lasted for a long time.
Protests over the June 12 injustice and state brutality climaxed with the assassination of Abiola’s wife, Kudirat, in June 1996, and the mysterious death of Abiola himself, in detention, on July 7, 1998.
In the perception of many Nigerians, the tree of liberty and democracy that Nigeria currently enjoys was planted and watered with the blood of the martyrs. To ensure that they must never be forgotten, the date was celebrated annually and documented as the official democracy day.
However, for most political watchers, one most salient takeaway of the June 12 struggle that Nigerian politicians should reignite, is the quest for restructuring of the country and true federalism.
Among the successive Nigerian Presidents after the incident of June 12, history will be kind to former president Muhammadu Buhari, who ensured the legislation of June 12 as Democracy Day and a national holiday.
Ironically, beyond the honour done to Abiola, the protagonist of June 12, it is discouraging to observe that majority of the main beneficiaries of civilian rule were persons who actively opposed, worked against, and remained neutral, or exploited the actualisation of June 12 struggle for personal or group gains.
Many insist that June 12 celebration will remain a mere celebration if those political ideals that Abiola’s campaign promises represent are not put into practice.
From all indications, the true ideals of June 12 will remain elusively an ordinary calendar date and pipe dream in the hearts of true patriots.
Weighing in on the failure of the political class to actualise the tenets and significance of the historic day, the National Secretary of Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP), Chief Peter Ameh, described June 12 as a concept that will remain unachievable in Nigeria.
According to him; “June 12 was variously described as a watershed in Nigerian elections. It was considered to be the fairest and freest election, and despite its being described so, the presumed winner was never allowed to assume office, perhaps because of where he came from.”
Ameh equally reflected on the relevance of the historic date, noting, “the lessons Nigeria, as a nation, learnt from the impasse generated as a result of the annulment of June 12 elections, which brought the country to the precipice, in my opinion, is that no lesson has been learnt.
“The electoral processes have become increasingly worse. Electoral manipulation and attendant violence have become the norm rather than the exception. A cursory look at the history of elections since 1999 shows that each election cycle has become increasingly worse than the preceding one.
“What may seem to be a semblance of the only free election since the return of democracy was the zero-party local government election of 1998 and the 1999 general election which was as free as the military wanted it to be.”
Appraising the situation further, the former chairman of Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC), described; “successive 2003 and 2007 general elections as a sham where results were announced while voting was still ongoing. The acclaimed transparent 2015 general election was fraught with irregularities, even though it went uncontested by then-sitting President Goodluck Jonathan.
“An example of the irregularity was the case of Kano State, which is a largely illiterate society, but returned close to two million votes without any voided one. The 2019 and 2023 general elections were more of electoral heists than elections, notwithstanding the seemingly beautifully looking amendments to the Electoral Acts of 2011 and 2022.
“In the area of nationhood, which the June 12, 1993 election nearly cured its absence in Nigeria, Nigeria has taken 20 steps backwards. In the area of uniting Nigeria as a nation, June 12 almost acted as a catalyst for eliminating religion, tribe and tongue as some of the most dangerous evils bedevilling our country and the quick resolution of nationhood. Votes were not cast based on religion, tribe and tongue.
“The presumed winner won in all the areas that were considered hostile to his tribe and tongue, but with the annulment of that election and the later introduction of tribe and religion as avenues for victory in national elections, the cleavages that we once papered have now turned into gulfs.
“Votes are now cast based on who is related to us ethnically and religiously. Merit does not count anymore. Merit and unity were what June 12 represented. We have discarded them on the altar of ethnicity and religion. Our fault lines have widened so much that we may be swallowed by them if we do not do the needful.”
As the authorities roll out drums for June 12 with a public holiday, analysts have urged them not to lose sight from the main significance of the struggle, and campaign promises that compelled many Nigerians to freely give their votes to the winner of the June 12 presidential poll.
With the renewed hope agenda of the current administration, there must be deliberate concerted efforts to restore the hopes of Nigerians like Hope 93, by executing policy measures tailored towards ameliorating the excruciating hardship many Nigerians are currently facing.
More importantly, deliberate motions should be put in place to ensure the replication of the factors that guaranteed the conduct of the free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process during the June 12, 1993 presidential election.
Again, the persistent ethnic and religious fault lines that have persistently characterised and determined the outcome of Nigerian elections must be dismantled to ensure that elections are determined based on competence, capability, capacity and general acceptance of the candidates vying for the tickets.
Analysts argue that restructuring agitations, which have been over-flogged, should be the priority of the current administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
In the estimation of critical observers, from former president Olusegun Obasanjo through Goodluck Jonathan, Muhammadu Buhari, to President Bola Tinubu, the true ideals of June 12 have remained elusive.