Asaba, tucked besides the bank of the Niger is not reputed for sassy political meetings. But for the chilling bloody escapades of the federal troops in the serene city that attenuated the notion of ‘blood on the Niger,’ it is also not known for military missions. When it emerged from no where to become the capital of Delta State in 1991, the surprise and ripples rechochetted far and wide. It has no resounding big political doyen, in the mould of the legendary Zik; Awo, or Sadauna. Most of the high profile political players from the area shuttle between the city and Abuja.

But on this day, May 12, 2013, hordes of political haymakers, amongst them, governors, Senators, party leaders, thronged the city and dismembered it’s innocence.

It was the meeting of the South-South, South-East governors, which was followed in tow by another parley of leaders of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP. The dawn of that Sunday showed no visible inkling of an impending political bang in the city. It harboured not the harbingers of a big political meeting-huge traffic, gaiety, and music. But as the tide ebbed to high noon, even the deaf was alerted to the siege on the city by the high and mighty.

Without notice, siren decibels tore through the city. State governor, Emmanuel Uduaghan had prepared the ground for the big meeting. He had told scores of journalists who besieged the town to “expect a good meeting of governors of the South-east and South-south “you know, this area, (Edo, Delta) was part of the South-west before. We are now in the South-south and we have close affinity with our neighbours in the South-east. We want to explore areas of mutual economic integration, common services, railway and integrated road links, interests in oil, agriculture, and so on.

This is the first segment of the meeting.

The second one is political.”

The South-east and South-south governors first met ahead of the 2011 elections in what was then adjudged a purely political parley. It was then staged to further the presidential actualization of Goodluck Jonathan. It was a contraption to push for maximum support for a ‘home boy’. It never went beyond that singular objective, least of all exploring the common ties that unite both zones.

Governor of Cross River state, Liyel Imoke, his Ebonyi state counterpart, Martins Elechi, and Akwa Ibom state governor, Godswill Akpabio were the earliest arrivals.  Within a record 30 minutes from noon, the expansive new government House precincts was brimming with gubernatorial presence. At least, 5 more of them had hit the ground, save for Rivers state governor Chibuike Amaechi who sent his Deputy, Tele Ikuru. The absence of neighbouring Edo state governor, Adams Oshimhole, and his Imo state colleague, Rochas Okorocha sent tongues wagging. Both belong to the fire spitting unregistered All Progressives Congress, APC. Talks of the political undertone of the event began to gain ground.

Two major issues ruled: 2015, and the president’s tango with Amaechi over the leadership of the highly influential Nigeria Governors’ Forum, NGF. Benign consideration was given to Oshiomhole’s absence. He was a day before given an elaborate reception by his ever doting people, for his fabled achievements so far in office. He may have been bogged down with fatigue, or so, many reasoned. But some of his colleagues even had much more challenges, and yet attended the event, others countered. The presence of Enugu state governor, Sullivan Chime, despite his poor health condition deflated the former arguement. In the twilight of the meeting, when all hopes were fading, Okorocha breezed in, unannounced, in time to join his colleagues to grace the press briefing.

The kernel

Imoke read the initial part of the communique, before Peter Obi, Anambra state governor took over. They did so in their capacities as chairmen of the body of governors of the two geo-ethnic blocs. Imoke’s delivery was succinct, business like and devoid of stuttering. Of the 8 points, at least 5 were political which lent credence to the overriding political supremacy of their deliberations. He began: “the South-south, and South-east governors commend his Excellency, Dr Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR, President, and Commander-in-chief of the Armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, for his focused leadership and bold, result- yielding Transformation AGENDA, which deserves the support of all Nigerians and friends of Nigeria alike, as the laudable achievements of the administration in strengthening our democracy, stabilizing the polity, growing the economy and improving the quality of life of all citizens continue to unfold.

The underlying message was not lost, even as he continued. “The meeting was concerned at the condemnable behaviour and antics of some Nigerians and their evil collaborators in assaulting the collective psyche of the Nation, by waging various acts of terrorism. The South-south and South-east governors not only commiserate with the president, the governments of all affected areas, the victims, their families, and majority of peace loving Nigerians, but salutes the resolute stance of Mr. president to confront terror wherever and whenever it occurs in Nigeria, while appealing to all law-abiding citizens to sincerely join hands with government to stamp out these and other evils from our society.”

Behind the curtain

Daily Sun gathered that the meeting was to set the stage for the declaration of a state of emergency in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states by President Goodluck Jonathan barely 48hours later. Plans and consultations on the declaration were so integrated that friends of the president insisted on the solidarity of his people before the announcement to neutralize envisaged northern criticisms and untoward backlash. The governors of the two regions who gave him the highest votes in the 2011 presidential election, and who are the political pillars of their states were drafted to step in the gap. Their voices would resonate in it’s loud quality to steady the cause of opposing views in the offensive. Before now, the two zones had never twinkled in agreement on key political issues. The South-east has always begrudged the South-south of sabotage and abandonment in the prosecution of the Nigerian civil conflict. The South-south on the other hand, has always harboured fears of domination by their homogeneous majority south east neighbours. So the South-south, politically has never seen eye to eye with the South-east preferring to align with the North since the second republic. Although Uduaghan acknowledged that Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the socio-political group of Ndigbo held its convention two years ago in the city of Asaba, there is yet no progressive unity between them. Oshiomhole, who had initially agreed to attend the confab as a demonstration of his friendship with the president, and support for his administration allegedly chickened out over the presence of a large array of PDP politicians from his state, most of all, Chief Tony Anenih, his political foe and chairman of the PDP Board of Trustees, BOT. While he did not send a representative was said to be because of time lapse.

A source to the Delta state government, however insisted the Edo governor would go with the communique as later presented to him. Further investigations by Daily sun indicated that the parley will be strengthened and institutionalized in the days ahead the 2015 elections. Already the South-south, South-east professionals group has taken root, while efforts are being intensified to plant that of traditional rulers. In the words of Uduaghan,” the two zones, apart from being neighbours have so much in common, including economic links and resources.”

The Nigerian Governors Forum started in 1999 as a mere association of the 36 states governors in the country. But in the past 14 years, it has grown to become a very strong force in the country, particularly in the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) where most of the governors belong to.

The NGF which draws its strength from section 40 of the 1999 constitution, which encourages freedom of association, is registered under Part C of the Companies and Allied Matters Act, (CAMA), 1990 “as a non-partisan association which seeks to promote unity, good governance, better understanding and co-operation among the states and ensure a healthy and beneficial relationship between the states and other tiers of government.”

It has as its mission: “To provide a platform for collaboration amongst the Executive Governors on matters of public policy; to promote good governance, sharing of good practice and to enhance cooperation at state level and with other arms of government and society”

In its 14 years history it has metamorphosed into a full-fledged bureaucracy with a full time director general and other support staff. Just as it has made strategic intervention in the body polity.

How the governors have defined the politics of the nation

Nigerian governors are the alpha and omega in the politics of their states and by extension the country. They decide who survives or dies politically in their respective states.

Recall that as far back as 1999, it was the PDP governors, then governors-elect that swayed the party presidential primaries in favour of former President Olusegun Obasanjo. In 2003, when the governors felt dissatisfied with him, they moved to replace him with Vice President Atiku Abubakar, forcing the former president to his knees.

The governors also played decisive roles in the politics of the country during the long absence of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua from the country, resulting in the doctrine of necessity that paved the way for then vice President Goodluck Jonathan to emerge as acting president.  And in the build up to the 2011 PDP presidential primaries, it was also the governors that delivered the ticket of the party to Jonathan.

And collectively, the governors have kept the local government system under subjugation, resisting moves to grant the councils autonomy in the ongoing constitution amendment.

Also, during the last review of the 1999 constitution, the governors dictated what amendments the state legislature voted for a situation that resulted in the state assemblies voting against financial autonomy for themselves while granting same to the National Assembly.

In the PDP, the governors has been the greatest albatross to the party’s National Chairmen, such that the party’s leadership exists at the pleasure of the governors. So far, they have always succeeded in determining who becomes the National Chairman of the party and how long the person would occupy that position.

For instance, the incumbent National Chairman of the PDP, Alhaji Bamangar Tukur has come under intense political heat from the governor since his emergence last year.

Besides, during elections, the governors   ensure that their preferred candidates emerge as candidates for their parties various elective positions. Except in a few instances, these candidates imposed on the party by the governors emerges the winners of the elections.

Also, they determine who becomes Minister and Ambassador from their respective states.

Consequently, what obtains is a situation where most elected and appointed public officers hold allegiance to the respective governors. The implication is that most political issues are seen from the prism of the governors.

Apart from making strategic intervention in the country and the PDP, the NGF has always engaged the federal government on key issues and seeking redress in the courts when they feel aggrieved; to the consternation of the Federal Government and key  stakeholders in the ruling party.

One of those irritated by the pervasive influence of the NGF in the country is former Minister of Education, Senator Jibril Aminu. In a recent media parley, Aminu said the Forum has turned to an instrument of oppression against the federal government.

According to him, the Forum has always ensured that state governors had their way in everything, including nominating who became an ambassador or member of the National Assembly.

The former senator said, “It is very strange. I worked in many countries and have not seen anything like such a forum. The Governors’ Forum is what is used to oppress everybody, including the president,” Aminu said.

“If it is not checked, it will put the country in serious trouble,” he added.

However, Delta State governor, Dr Emmanuel Uduaghan said the Governors Forum is not all about politics. He said that the NGF was quietly fashioning out socio economic policies and programme that was impacting positively on the states and the people.

Uduaghan who spoke during a meeting of the State Peer Review Mechanism (SPRM) of the NGF lamented that the public tend to see only the political side of the NGF.

Niger State governor, Babangida Aliyu concurs. He said at the forum, “we do not discuss politics or who becomes what like the president or the vice president or what have you. Whatever anybody becomes is the work of God, people use some of those statements to cause problems.”

But Chief Okey Muo Aroh, a PDP chieftain in Anambra State told Daily Sun in a recent interview that recent events in country and the PDP has proved that the governors are in charge of the politics of the country.

He recalled that in the last National convention of   the PDP, the governors determined who got what.  “When we were running for offices (party offices), the governors sat down in their imperial position telling you that the positions that you are running for are zoned to specific individuals. Then everybody was running cap in hand to the governors to go and beg to be nominated”.

Aroh had aspired to be the PDP National Publicity Secretary in the last convention of the party.

The tussles for the chairmanship of the NGF

Overtime the chairman of the Forum grew from just being first among equals to becoming a very influential figure influencing the direction of politics in the country. Expectedly, the political class and particularly the Presidency started showing interest over who becomes the leader of the group.

It is this interest of the Presidency in who becomes the chairman of the NGF in the march towards the 2015 general election that has thrown the group and by extension the nation into tension.

The leadership of the group has not always been a source of conflict or controversy until in recent times. Usually, the public does not know when the NGF holds its election, the country just wakes up to hear that a new chairman has been elected by the governors in rancour free manner.

Those who have led the NGF includes Senator  Abdullahi Adamu, Former Governor of Nasarawa State, 1999-2004, Obong Victor Attah, Former Governor of Akwa Ibom State, 2004-2006, Mr. Lucky Igbinedion, Former Governor of Edo State, 2006-2007, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki, Former Governor of Kwara State, 2007-2011and  the incumbent chairman, Rt. Hon. Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, Governor of Rivers State.

It was Saraki who  glamorized and brought much influence into the office   of the Chairman of the NGF. It was during his tenure  that the Forum got a constitution that pegged the tenure of a chairman of the NGF at two years with a provision for a second term. And created the office of a Vice Chairman.

Amaechi on its part stepped up the game, so much so, that the common belief is that whoever has the support of the NGF chairman within the ruling party will  have an upper hand in the politics of the party and by extension the country.

The genesis of the problem is President Jonathan’s highly speculated second term agenda and Amaechi’s equally speculated Vice Presidential ambition in 2015.

The ambition of the Rivers State governor is believed to run counter to that of the president, hence for the president’s second term project to have a smooth sail, his handlers believe that he must have someone sympathetic to his cause as NGF chairman.

Apparently justifying the Presidency’s decision to move against the current leadership of the NGF, the Special Adviser to the President on Political Matters, Alhaji Ahmed Gulak says the Rivers State governor  is running the NGF as a trade union.

“The Nigeria Governors’ Forum has really constituted itself as a trade union. Small thing, they will threaten to go to court contrary to the mechanism within PDP to solve issues”

After two failed attempts to remove Amaechi as the leader of the governors, the Presidency floated the PDP Governors Forum with Akwa Ibom State governor, Godswill Akpabio. The objective was simple- to whittle down the influence of the NGF and its leader and take the shine off it. The PDP has 26 of the 36 governors in the country.

But even that has not reduced the tension that has enveloped the country on account of the Chairmanship of the forum.

Ahead of the Forum’s election scheduled for this month, political crisis has engulfed Rivers State. Not a few believe that the Presidency has decided to pile enormous political pressure on Amaechi so that he will jettison his decision to seek for a re-election.

What makes the  Governors tick

The enormous power the governors wield is traceable to the money politics in place in the country. Because of the heavily monetized nature of the politics, everyone seems to pander to the whims and caprices of the governors.  This is coupled with the fact that they control the party machineries in their states.

So with the control of the state treasuries, party apparatus and docile state legislature, the governors have become lords of the manors’ accountable to no one politically and otherwise.

Aroh says the governors would continue to have their way in the politics of the nation because they have tested their power and found out that it is very efficacious.

He said they will remove the PDP National Chairman if they become convinced that they don’t want President Goodluck Jonathan to return for a second term.

The PDP Chieftain   believes that it is time to whittle down the pervading influence of the governors on  the polity, noting that  a situation where governors are allowed to nominate ministers and other federal appointees must stop. “Will the president go and nominate members of the state executives for the governors”? he queried , wondering why the President  allow the governors to nominate ministers for him as well as nominate members of the PDP NWC.

Former Minister of State for Education, Dr. Jerry Agada says President Goodluck Jonathan remains a good man no matter what his critics say. He bares his mind on contemporary national issues including the proposed scrapping of JAMB and NECO examinations. Sunday Sun captures his mind in this interview. Excerpts…

On the issue of insecurity, what is your take on those pulling out of the amnesty committee set up by the FG to dialogue with Boko Haram?

When I heard about people opting out of the committee, I felt unhappy. The FG has come a long way in taking this decision to work towards granting amnesty. My own belief is that anybody who is appointed a member of this committee should try his or her best to offer the services required to the government of Nigeria to achieve her target of eliminating the Boko Haram  menace from our country. In the first place, to be named among the committee members to me is an honour. The government might have seen some qualities in you to be capable of working to bring peace to your fatherland. Therefore, it would have been better and more commendable to reciprocate that gesture by accepting to work with the committee for the purpose of bringing solution to our problem. I appeal to those withdrawing and others with such intentions not to do so. Like I learnt from some dailies, a member complained that he wasn’t contacted before the appointment. That should be overlooked in the spirit of serving the nation and not any particular individual or interest. Once they are able to broker peace, their names would be written in gold as national heroes.

The proponents of the merger party, APC has stated that PDP will become opposition party in 2015. What is your reaction to this statement?

The good news is that, we are in a democratic setting and anybody is free to say anything. The fact that PDP would become opposition in 2015 is the opinion of some persons which they are free to express.    ACN, ANPP, APGA, CPC, if you like, name others. What merger do you think would be formidable enough to undo the forces of PDP?  Imagine few governors of about 10 states which have come to merge against PDP governors of over 20 states. I don’t think the merger forces would demolish that of PDP.  So, I am not afraid of the APC merger but of course it’s good because it will make the ruling party to sit up. This is because; when you are in a race and you see no one behind you, it looks like you are the best. Therefore, APC and other internal crises in PDP are rather factors that would make the party stronger for future elections and I tell you PDP is the party to beat come 2015.

Based on the performance of President Jonathan, do you think he deserves  a second term?

As far as I am concerned, Mr. President has performed very well so far. Even the fact that he has kept the country united and piloted the affairs of the whole country so far is in itself a commendable performance. The issue is that people tend to underrate the enormous responsibility on the President of the nation and for that reason ascribe whatever problems experienced to the poor performance of Mr. President. When there is power outage, it is due to poor performance of Mr. President, when water is not flowing, it is Mr. President and so on. They have forgotten that those are just one or two out of the millions of variables upon which to judge a President’s performance. Recently, his SA on media stated that people should stop distracting Mr. President from his current mandate. For now, Jonathan hasn’t declared his intention to run in 2015. Even if he decides to contest, let me tell you that experience is the best teacher. This was a former Deputy Governor, Governor, Vice president, acting president, now president in his 1st term and you are now talking about second term. I think he has garnered more experience than any fresher to come and embark on trial and error governance, I stand by his words that he should not be distracted with issues of 2015 for now.

Benue teachers recently protested for being left out in the payment of the N18, 000.00 minimum wages in the state. What is your position on this sir?

My position on it is that government hasn’t said it won’t pay teachers unlike their counterparts in other arms of the civil service. Governor Suswam has earlier directed the new Head of Service (HOS) to work out the modalities with the NUT. I heard that from Radio Benue as government’s reaction to the last recent strike. I am not a government spokesperson but as a stakeholder, I should comment to the best of my knowledge. Take for instance, when his administration came in 2007 with inherited June, July (aka JJ), non payment of teachers’ salaries, the governor paid it immediately on assumption of office because of the concern he has for teachers. That time that the money was owed, I was permanent secretary in the ministry now Bureau for local government and Chieftaincy Affairs, and I know details about teacher’s salaries. As my Governor, I could advise him when necessary especially where teachers are involved. I say it with a lot of passion because it affects me as a teacher too. As a politician now, anywhere the governor sees me even at PDP caucus meetings, he recognizes me in his protocols as his former principal because I admitted him into Government College Makurdi as a student. That recognition alone gives me a lot of joy that teacher’s reward is right here on earth after all. His gesture is a reflection of his regards for teachers and the teaching profession. Though the minimum wage may be delayed, I want to believe that the governor means well for Benue teachers and sooner than later, teachers will enjoy in the state. Let them shun strike action and follow the path of constructive engagement for peaceful resolution of issues involved.

2015, Benue South aka Zone C are saying it’s their turn to produce the  governor but with the recent development of constitutional amendment’s report in which Nigerians voted for the creation of additional states with APA  State in view from your zone, do you foresee the possibility of the duo?

If new states are created which I stand for any day, I would be happy. There is no reason why new states shouldn’t be created. The few people who are against it are those from areas where there is no need for state creation. Take Lagos as example, if you are from there and one talks about state creation, you will think the agitator is mad. Therefore, as far as I am concerned, it’s proper, necessary and reasonable to create additional states. I come from an area where we badly and urgently need a state – Apa State to be precise.

In terms of governorship race in 2015, I am part of the Zone C elders that are consulting and appealing to our Tiv brothers to show understanding for power shift to zone C. If they agree with us, we will receive it with open hands. If they believe in eat and give to your brother, we shall be grateful. For now, that is the position and if in the process a new state is created, we will thank God and relocate our energy to who becomes governor of Apa State.

Sir, you were recently elected as secretary PDP elders committee in Benue State along side with others, how do you view this development?

Well, the committee is one of the constitutional provisions of the PDP hierarchy across the states. It’s in line with that requirement that Benue State chapter of the party established theirs from the last caucus meeting in Makurdi. The governor allowed the zones to select her members while the following day the selected members conducted election and Dr. Iorchia Ayu emerged Chairman, I as secretary and Chief Abu King Shuluwa as vice Chairman. We represented the three zones in the state. For me as secretary, I feel happy as a party man because it conveys a measure of recognition as a chieftain operating in the mainstream of the party. I will do everything possible to enhance the status of PDP in Benue so that it delivers in all future elections.

As a former principal, would you say you are proud of your ex-student as Governor of Benue State?

The truth of the matter is that Governor Suswam as my former student has actually done me proud the way he has been piloting the affairs of the state. He has performed well in the first term and has started the 2nd term on a sound note to complete his initiated projects and programmes. I am very proud of him when you compare Benue of today with that of 10 years ago via road construction, infrastructure, water, health, rural electrification among others. So, I think you will agree with me that he has performed and should be commended. As you know, government is a continuum. So, whether he completes his agenda or not, another governor would take over the rest when he bows out of office come 2015. In fact, I will always hold my head high for Governor Suswam as a worthy son and as my former student, I wish him success in his future endeavors for as Storey says: “Have confidence that if you have done a little thing well, you can do a bigger thing well too”. Suswam has done well in the governorship that was entrusted to him and therefore deserves a higher responsibility in which I am confident he will still excel.

The intra-party battle going on in Rivers State is becoming hotter and fiercer. As it were, it is easy to know when and how a war begins, but no one knows how and when it will end. Obviously, the battle royale is becoming more dangerous, and the recent murder of an aide to the sacked state chairman of the party,  Chief Godspower  Ake is a pointer to this fact.

Mr. Eric Ezenekwe was shot dead in his house, at Erema in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government (Onelga) of the State.

The incident occurred at about 11pm, Tuesday, May 14, 2013, when the young man  returned home. His assailants, who were laying ambush for him,  were  said to have been tortured  him, before   shooting him  at close range. The murder of the man, no doubt, has introduced a worrisome twist to the political crisis, which reached its crescendo on April 15, when an Abuja High Court sacked the G.U. Ake-led executive and installed Felix Obuah-led executive.

A lot has happened in the state  politically, since the judgment of Abuja High court. They include, the suspension of Timothy Nsirim, the chairman of Obio/Akpor Local Government Area,  which  is believed to be the largest and  most viable LGA in the state.

The current Minister of State for Education, and  one of the gladiators in the crisis,  served as  a two-time chairman of the  same local government.

The pro-Amaechi lawmakers who suspended Nsirim, his Vice and 17 Councilors tried to justify their action, hinging it on a report  by the House Committee on Local Government Affairs, chaired by Lucky Odili, representing Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni state constituency.

The committee’s report was said to be damming.  It indicted the executive  and legislative arms of the Council.

For instance, Nsirim was accused of reckless spending and abuse of the security funds. According to the report, the suspended 17 councillors were aware of the reckless spending  by the chairman, but failed to checkmate him, probably, because they were benefitting from misappropriation that was going on.

Beyond the sweeping allegation, many believe that the suspension was actually aimed at clipping the wings of the Minister of state for Education, whose domineering influence on Obio/Akpor area as a whole, and the LGA boss  in particular, had been a source of worry to Governor Amaechi.

Not quite long, after the suspension of the local government and 17 councillors, Felix Obuah-led executives retaliated by suspending 27 House of Assembly members, leaving behind  only five members(five fingers),  who are  pro-Wike legislators. After the suspension of the Obio/Akpor Chairman, the House of Assembly  adjourned indefinitely, perhaps, to avoid anything that could make them rescind their decision and prevent what could  be regarded as after effect of their action. Notwithstanding  their number, both Governor Amaechi and the 27 legislators became uncomfortable. Supporters of Governor Amaechi, for instance, became apprehensive that they could spring surprises. That is, that they could give Governor Amaechi the Joshua Dariye treatment,  a situation  where the minority   could initiate impeachment motion and send  the governor or any other person for that matter, packing. This fear was also expressed  by  the Speaker of the House, RT. Hon. Otelemaba Amachree, as  contained in a press statement he issued in Port Harcourt recently.

In the statement, the Speaker accused the five legislators of planning to smuggle fake mace into the state, to enable them hold an emergency session, to carry out the impeachment. Part of the statement  reads: “The Abuja plan on ground is to falsely impeach Rt. Hon, speaker and the Executive Governor of Rivers State, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Amaechi and create confusion through varied responses, which they hope will make the state ungovernable and provide them with some kind of warped basis to introduce Emergency Rule in the state,

“Furthermore, there was strong indications that some persons have been detailed exclusively to create systematic collapse of security in the state, putting lives and property in danger. This is undemocratic, unacceptable and a complete violation of the mandate that the good people of Rivers State have vested on us.

“We call on the good people of Rivers State to remain calm, watchful and law abiding as the scenario unfolds.” And the scenario is indeed, unfolding!  The alleged withdrawal of security details to the Speaker and Chief of Staff to the governor, is  further testimony to the drama playing out in the state.

The allegation has, however, been denied by the police. The Command’s  image maker, who spoke to Sunday Sun on phone said there was no truth in  the claim by the Speaker and  the Chief of Staff. Addressing newsmen in Port Harcourt  at the weekend, the  Commissioner of Police, Mr. Mbu Joseph Mbu, said he would summon the  two Principal officers to come  and  substantiate their claims. As far as the CP is concerned, they  are  just crying wolf, where none exists.

The Commissioner of police was  accused of   being used by the Federal Government, to  fight Amaechi and possibly, remove him from office. He had denied this at various times, saying he was being  blackmailed  by Amaechi’s government.  But analystst argue that what happened recently makes one to suspect that the CP may be  playing out the script, carefully written by some ‘ogas at the top’ at Abuja. For instance, on Wednesday, May 15, 2013, some women from the 23 local government areas of the state, staged anti-Mbu protest at the Government House,  where they demanded his redeployment.  And the following day, there was pro-CP protest. Amaechi’s camp has  continuously maintained that Mbu  was sent to the state to facilitate his impeachment.

Though Felix Obuah had come out to deny that there was plan to impeach the governor, but the belief in the government quarters is that the  denial was intended to make them relent, in order to be taken unawares, by the ‘surprise attack’  from the Wike camp.  But Amaechi’s camp is not daft. That has made the attack squad hold tenaciously to the saying that: “a man who is surrounded by enemies is always watchful.”

Followers of events in Rivers State argue that one area  Governor Amaechi  has done well is in the area of security of life and property. Before he took over in 2007, there was total breakdown of law and order.

Many youths who were armed by the  politicians between 1999-2006, to help them win elections at all costs, and fight their political opponents, later transmuted into cult groups that unleashed mayhem on the citizens. The PDP crisis is now a threat to the peace  which the  people of  the state have  enjoyed  for the past six years.

Now, fears are being expressed that many idle youths are waiting to be armed again to kill and maim. They are only waiting for mobilization fee and orders from their sponsors. It has just started, with the recent killing of the former chairman’s aide.

Concerned citizens of Rivers State are really worried about  the developments in the state. One of them is the vice Chairman of African Renaissance Party(ARP), and Chancellor, International Society for Social Justice, Chief Omenazu Jackson. Jackson, who told Sunday Sun that the crisis is  now holding the state down. According to him, Rivers State is made up of people from different political parties and those who are apolitical, and  wondered why intra-party crisis  is bringing the  state to a standstill.

“You can see today, that we have started witnessing bomb blast at Obio/Akpor. This was something we had put behind us long ago.

Rivers people have witnessed improved security. People can now go about their lawful businesses, even at night, without being molested, harassed or kidnapped.

Re-introduction of insecurity in the state will not do anyone any good, no matter what anybody says.

“Secondly, I felt that some of these people are reluctant rebels, probably because, there is no enough honey in their tea, and that’s why they  started agitating,” he said.

He explained that the fight was all  about “sharing the booty”. According to him, those who are fighting Amaechi are doing so, because he refused to bring out the state’s funds for sharing.

He, however, advised the politicians in the state to be cautious, in the interest of the citizens of the state. According to Chief Jackson, PDP should learn to solve its internal problems, without bringing untold hardship and insecurity to the people. In the same vein, the Publicity Secretary of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Rivers State Chapter, Jerry Needam, has expressed disappointment at the turn of events in the state.

According to him, PDP government in Rivers State has only succeeded in increasing the sufferings of the common man.

He particularly condemned what he called continued waste of state resources on hired or rented crowd.

He cited the recent demonstration of some women at the Government House, calling for the removal of the Commissioner of police, Mr. Mbu Joseph Mbu.

The ACN spokesman accused Amaechi of being wasteful, saying solidarity rallies would only aggravate the problem on ground.    He appealed to PDP to stop subjecting the people to untold hardship.  “The fighting going on is about looting of treasury of the state. The party has nothing to offer again, that is why they resorted to in-fighting, to distract people’s attention,” he said.

Former Minister of Education, Alhaji Dauda Birmah, has welcomed the merger of his former party, the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) with Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) and Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). He said that such merger would strengthen the opposition, which will, in turn, make democracy stronger. He, however, said that the merger is not a threat to the Peoples Democratic party (PDP).

In this interview, Birmah, who has aspired to be president three times, talked about the opposition parties’ merger, the crisis in the Adamawa PDP and the PDP at the national level and others things.

Do you feel fulfilled that you moved to PDP when it is having crisis, both in your home state and at the centre?

When you leave an organisation, it is because you have misgiving about the place. It is not so much an issue of PDP meeting my expectations. The amount of satisfaction I got for leaving ANPP I cannot quantify. I noticed that ANPP was dying and I knew that it was not the type of political party one would be in and expect to actualise his ambition. I went to PDP realising a number of things. One, I had aspired to become president on the platform of ANPP three times. Now if you have done that on the platform of a political party and you moved to another political party, you do not move with that aspiration. So, I came into PDP not because I want to apply for office, but to participate in what it is doing if the leaders want me to do anything.

One of the things I told myself is that, with my age, my experience and background, I can make myself available to be used in advancing the fortunes of this country. I can be used to solve one or two problems if such problems exist. So far, so good. When I joined the party newly, I was used as a member of a committee that went to Benue to resolve a problem. We went there with a number of prominent member of the party who, in fact, were founding fathers of the party. We were able to solve the problem. I felt a tremendous amount of satisfaction that I participated in that.

I have played other roles. When the National Chairman of the party set up his 50-man advisory committee I was named one of them. Eventually, he decided to have a smaller body that he called the think tank, made up of 10 persons. He made me a member. I have access to him. I have access to a number of functionaries of the party. And that gives me satisfaction. I have no aspiration whatsoever. My age does not permit that I should embark on any adventure. The days of that type of an adventure are gone. The stage I am now is to play a father figure and I am involved in it.

Shortly after you joined the party, the crisis in the Adamawa chapter broke out and the party was polarised. Which side of the divide are you and what informed your choice?

From the time Alhaji Bamanga Tukur said he wanted to become the national chairman, I identified myself with him. That was after I identified myself with the aspiration of Admiral Murtala Nyako to have a second term. The campaign to make Nyako win a second term was successful. I participated in it fully. I followed his campaign trains to all the 21 local government  areas of Adamawa. And I thought I have paid my dues. I had done what was expected of me. Soon after his re-election, the issue of Bamanga Tukur’s aspiration came. And since I wanted to play a role more at the centre, I quickly joined his campaign team.

The misunderstanding between the governor and the national chairman, which, to me, is totally unnecessary, has been blown out of proportion. I said this because people of their age, background and experience should sit down and iron out their differences. I know of nothing that Bamanga Tukur did that warranted the stand of Nyako. If I were close to the governor, I don’t think the face-off would have taken the dimension it has. But you have to know that Nyako was a soldier. Soldiers in politics behave in a manner in which they want to transfer the garrison mentality into politics. That does not work. If you want to understand the attitude of Admiral Nyako, you will need to look at Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo. They are both military officers and they have the same pedigree and attitude.

I will be reluctant to go any deeper than this. As an elder in that place, sooner or later this matter has to be resolved on the negotiation table. People like me will contribute to the solution. So far, a solution had not been achieved but we know that the situation is not going to continue forever.

There is this allegation that the governor has sidelined the elders and therefore has become a demi-god. Is that the true picture of what is happening in Adamawa?

As I said earlier, the less I say, the better for the situation. However, for the enlightenment of the general public, it is good to ask the various elders of Adamawa to verify what I am saying. There is no inclusiveness in Adamawa today. Let me cite an example. There is all exclusiveness by the government of Adamawa today. Go and talk to former governor Wilberforce Muktar; talk to Professor Jibril Aminu. I can keep on listing these names on and on till God knows when. All these people will say there’s an exclusive policy in the attitude of the governor of Adamawa. If you’ll embrace everybody and say let us all come and play a part, it will be better. But this policy of exclusion doesn’t help.

A few days ago, there were statements by Umar Argo, Suleiman and others. These are people who built the party. At the time these people were building the party, people like Nyako and I weren’t in the PDP; we were in the ANPP. If people cross over from other political parties to your own party and begin to exhibit some level of supremacy, you begin to develop resentment. That resentment can go on and become an attitude that polarises the polity. I think the governor should change his attitude from exclusiveness to all-inclusive one.

At the national level, Tukur isn’t having it easy. He has been accused of trying to scare away other stakeholders. Why is he not carrying the party chieftains, including governors along?

When you talk of stakeholders, I think you’re talking of governors. The governors have become very powerful in the PDP. They control their states and, therefore, appropriate the entire thinking of the political parties in their states. It was what they said that became prevalent. At the time Tukur became the national chairman, there were calls by stakeholders that instead of the pressure as exemplified by the attitude of the governors, that people should now make the centre of the party the engine room of the party.

In politics and in every other thing, people resist change, especially if they perceive this change as a whittling down of their powers or the complete taking away of the powers they’ve been enjoying. Everybody fears something new especially if that something new threatens what he has been enjoying like privilege and power. As a result of this, the governors perceived Tukur as a threat to their hegemony in their respective states.

They looked at Tukur as somebody, who was brought in to do the bidding of the president. They saw him as somebody that will ensure the president becomes the next candidate of the party in 2015. You know these governors want to become president and there can only be one president. Therefore, if someone wants to become president, it then means he needs to oust Goodluck Jonathan. They look at Tukur as someone who’s going to ensure that Jonathan remains in the chair.

For Tukur to assume this posture isn’t surprising. In the process of becoming the national chairman, he had to be helped by Jonathan and I don’t think he’s the type of person that will bite the hand that fed him. The governors also look at Jonathan and they think he’s done his turn and they need their turn too. You don’t blame them, because if you become a governor, what else do you aspire to be? The danger is that, if you don’t become a president when you’re a sitting governor, by the time you stop being governor, your chances of climbing to the presidency becomes very remote.  I can understand it from both ways. The governors want to become president although only five of them actually want it. Jonathan wants to be president and he sees no constitutional barrier in doing that. If Tukur as the national chairman is with the president, you won’t blame him and you won’t be surprised. The interplay of various political forces is what we shall see. This is the process by which policies are built, nations are built and we hope we shall have something positive from it.

Some people believe that Tukur is doing the bidding of the president and that whatever the president says is law, thus compromising that philosophy that the party should be for every member, don’t you see this as the cause of the rift between governors and Tukur?

The PDP has an understanding. The chairman of the local government council is the leader of the party even though you’ve the local government party chairman. At the state level, you’ve the state executives and the state chairmen. But the governor is the leader of the party. He calls the state chairman and the executives, sits with them and tells them what to do. Generally speaking, the governors have the last word. That also translates to the national level. At the national level, there’s a national chairman, a national working committee and a board of trustees, but the president of Nigeria, having been elected on the platform of the party is the national leader of the PDP. If you’re the chairman of the party, you’ve to concede to the president because he’s the leader. This is what Tukur has done and to me, he’s not done anything wrong.

The issue of Jonathan contesting in 2015 is still a speculation. We’ve not come to the bridge yet. How can you cross a bridge you’ve not come to? We are still at the end of the second year of this administration and now moving to the third year. The ingredients of aspirations will now be manifested between 2013 and 2014. People are jumping the gun by thinking that Tukur will support Jonathan in 2015. I don’t think Tukur is stupid enough to jump into conclusions. He’s a politician who listens to what people say and look at their body language. Supporting Jonathan for a second term is the sensible thing and you expect him to do the sensible thing. If at that time it looks stupid, I don’t see how Tukur can do something that is stupid. Because of the general idleness in the polity, people are focusing on that type of thing.

Governor Aliyu of Niger State recently said that President Goodluck Jonathan is not eligible to contest in 2015 on an account of a pact he signed that he would rule for only a term.  Given your position in the North, are you aware of such pact?

The only time I heard about this pact was when Governor Aliyu said so. Governor Aliyu is an honourable man. He’s a sincere man and doesn’t say things that are not true. When he speaks, he does that from the bottom of his heart and he speaks the truth. I was not in the PDP at the time they said this pact must have been signed. I don’t know if it was signed. I didn’t see it and, therefore, I can’t say I’ve any knowledge of that pact. I’m not involved yet in the party’s activities at that time. I’m not part of any machinery in returning XY or Z to office. I’ve no emotional connection to any agreement or pact. I’m a member of the PDP and I’m also an active supporter of the national chairman of the party. When the time comes, I will support him. If what is being proffered is sensible, I will support it. As of now, there’s nothing I can say to the existence or otherwise of a pact.

One thing I know is that Governor Aliyu is a serious-minded person who doesn’t speak nonsense. I believe he knows what he’s doing. It’s going to be an interplay between the governors and the president. I believe one day, somebody will bring the original copy of this pact and lay it on the table. In the meantime, I’m so far removed from the fulcrum of this discussion. I don’t think there’s an discussion I can make at to the veracity of this pact or otherwise.

Do you see the current travails of the governor of Rivers State related to his perceived 2015 ambition?

The office of the president is a very powerful office. Any politician that has come near it either wants to aspire to it or when he has achieved it, wants to keep it. Jonathan as president has the duty to ensure he tightens everything around him for his aspiration to another term. I’ve always said that it’s his entitlement and he’s entitled to it. Therefore, he will slap and punch anyone in the process of retaining that post. If anybody aspires to it, he’s going to fight that person and I will not be surprised if he does that. I want you to know that the president himself comes from Bayelsa and the person he’s fighting is from Rivers State. A few years ago, Bayelsa was part of Rivers. So, both states are part of one entity. It is a quarrel between brothers and outsiders don’t need to know the nature of that quarrel. I come from Adamawa and when you asked me questions about the state, I was very lucid in responding. When it’s between two brothers from eastern enclave between Rivers and Bayelsa, I will want to dissociate myself from what is happening.

Recently, the president set up an amnesty committee on Boko Haram. Since then, there have been those speaking in favour and against it. Some members of the committee have even withdrawn. Do you see this move as a step in the right direction?

The issue of achieving and not achieving its aim isn’t what I will comment on. The issue I will comment on is the desirability of the committee to look at the subject matter. The Boko Haram issue has been on for over three years and it gets worse by the day. Everyday, one Nigerian, who shouldn’t have died, dies. Is it not incumbent on the government to find a lasting solution to it and ensure one Nigerian doesn’t die or one more bomb doesn’t explode or a bullet fired? Look at the effect of this Boko Haram on the harmony and peace. It has brought in hatred and fear among people. Mothers have lost their children; children have lost their parents and neighbours are lost everyday. Whatever is right to bring this madness to a stop, I will support it. I support the setting up of this committee to find out what is happening. I think setting up the committee is in the right direction. They’ve not even set out the parameter. These are very experienced people that have been selected. We don’t know what they’re telling each other now. We should encourage them and let them know that we believe what they’re doing is right and honourable.

People believe the president acted late, that he should have come up with a move on how to address the issue before now. Do you share such views?

It should have been done earlier. I believe the president was advised properly when these things happened. There was a time somebody visited the president and told him that politicians were nurturing Boko Haram. Everybody now realises that it was a very stupid thing to say. The politicians who were said to have been shielding Boko Haram members weren’t even in the PDP at all. People will say this isn’t the time to point fingers. But if what the late General Azazi said about those sponsoring Boko Haram was the same advice he was giving the president, then you wouldn’t be surprised that the president didn’t take an action. When the president realised the nature and danger, he set up a committee. It is better late than never.

Do you subscribe to insinuation in some quarters that the proposed amnesty by Jonathan is a ploy to woo back the North ahead of 2015?

Politicians will always ascribe anything to statements of their political opponents. I think President Jonathan is very honourable and patriotic in discharging his duties as president of Nigeria. I don’t think any sinister motive should be ascribed to it.

We’ve seen your former party, the ANPP, merging with ACN and the CPC. Do you belong to the school of thought that thinks that this move poses a serious threat to the PDP?

I think the coming together of these political parties is belated. As far back as when I was in ANPP, we’ve tried to do the same thing.  Our members from ANPP met with some leaders of other parties. That was the same time CPC broke away from ANPP.  I told General Buhari that he should not leave ANPP. I told him to stay there. You can see when he moved out, the fire in ANPP was extinguished. ANPP, CPC and ACN coming together is good for this country because we need a strong opposition party. If you look at the United Kingdom, power shifts from Labour to the Conservative. If you look at the United States, power shifts from Republican to Democrats. It is very healthy. In Nigeria, I believe we are going to have two very good parties. Whoever offers to the public any word of hope that will redeem them, they’ll be voted for. I think the coming together of these parties is very good and I support it. At the end of the day, we are serving Nigeria and I wish them well. There are certain difficulties they’ll overcome. In the formation of alliances, you don’t just bring things to the table.

Given you closeness to Gen. Buhari, what is your take on claims that the man is too dictatorial and that this has been one of the reasons he is not getting far in his political voyage so far?

Let me tell you this. A lot of things people are saying about Buhari are labels that are attached to him deliberately in order to destroy his name. I’m not in alliance with the CPC, but he’s my friend. Everything that  has been said in the Nigerian press or political corridor are fabricated by his opponents to make him look bad and diminish his chances of becoming the president of this country. Buhari is an honourable person, who’ll listen to you and are persuaded by your action if your actions are noble and honest. I will tell you that a lot of the things said about Buhari are the handiwork of his political enemies who wanted to smear his name. Every person who has met with Buhari, from Shagari to Obasanjo, Babaginda and even Jonathan, they’ll all tell you that he’s a very simple person.

What would you adduce as the reason the elite in the North are opposed to Buhari becoming President?

You must go back to history. At the time Buhari became head of state, NPN was in power. The coup that brought him to power chased away NPN and everybody that was in that government. A lot of people that were chased out of power had vested interest and you expect these people to applaud Buhari? Some political elite in the North will continue to fight Buhari because they lost a lot of things. They lost money, power and so many other things. If you’re a victim of the actions of somebody, you might not forgive him.

In the contrary, by the time Buhari came on the scene, he was seen as the saviour of the common man from the actions of the ruling class. If somebody saves you from the hands of your tormentors, you’ll always remain grateful to that person and that is what has happened to Buhari.

What do you make of the recent verdict by the United States government on Nigeria over the high level of corruption in the country?

Corruption is what is killing Nigeria. We’ve to fight corruption head on, otherwise, we shall have nothing to call our own. Corruption is killing people by the day. It is stopping us from giving medicine to people. Corruption is bringing us down. It has stopped us from funding education. It has polarised our  society. That is why you’ve the rich getting richer and richer everyday and the poor are getting more miserable everyday. Any person who tells you that  our problem is corruption, that person is our friend and we must listen to him. Every sensible Nigerian must wake up to the fact that corruption is our enemy. Our problem isn’t ethnic or  religious division. It is corruption and we must join hands and fight corruption.

Were you surprised that the president objected to that report?

He’s the president and when he receives such report, there must be a forum where such things will be discussed. Do you expect the president to shout and say you’ve done a good job? Do you expect him to do that? But you expect him to now call his people and tell them to sit  down and discuss the contents of the report. I believe he’s doing that now.

Recently, the Federal Government constituted the boards of universities. So many past political leaders indicted  in the past were named as members of some if the varsities. What is your reaction to this development?

As a matter of fact, I haven’t noticed anything at all. I will give you my personal example. I was named into an obscure committee to look into essential services of the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. I was a member of the board and mind you, I was minister of education. I was also a presidential aspirant three times. They put me as a committee member to look at essential services of the school. Why will I want to do that? Am I sufficiently idle or unemployed? Whoever put my name there wanted to ridicule me. I’ve not responded and I don’t want to be made a board member of an obscure committee. If that has happened to me, I believe it has happened to a large number of people.

The main opposition party in Delta State, Democratic Peoples’ Party (DPP) might be heading for the woods ahead of the 2015 general elections, as the party is at present mired in serious political quandary. Unless adequate steps are taken by its stalwarts, the party, which made remarkable success in the 2011 general elections may be plunging into irrelevance as another election year draws closer.

As it is battling to retain its status as the main opposition in the state in view of the rising popularity of the emerging merger party, the All Progressive Congress (APC), internal crisis is tearing it to shreds. In fact, DPP had earlier indicated interest to be part of the merger in its avowed bid to dislodge the ruling Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) from Government House, Asaba, in 2015, but later withdrew, ostensibly due to the internal wrangling.

The political tussle, as it later turned out, is between the governorship candidate of the party in the 2007 and 2011 election, Chief Great Ogboru, and Senator Pius Ewherido, who represents Delta Central Senatorial District at the National Assembly.

Ewherido was said to have ridden on the popularity of Ogboru, who also hails from the central senatorial district to defeat the PDP candidate in the 2011 senatorial election. But the rosy relationship between the duo has since gone sour, following the nursing of gubernatorial ambition allegedly by Ewherido at a time Ogboru was still oiling his political machine for the 2015 contest.

The bone of contention, Daily Sun gathered, is the party’s penchant for picking Ogboru as its candidate, while urging all other aspirants to step down in the previous electoral contests.

This practice the party intends to adopt, but Ewherido appears adamant and poised to change the status quo by throwing his hat into the ring.

The daring posture of Senator Ewherido, a former Deputy Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly became obvious during the formative days of the fledging APC. The DPP had nominated Ewherido and eleven others to pursue its interest in the new party. It was however learnt that the acting national deputy chairman, Olisemeka Akamukale, the vice chairman of Delta central senatorial district, Henry Olori as well as a leader in Sapele Local Government Area of Delta State, Cyril Ogodor, all of whom were members of the 12-man committee allegedly betrayed DPP.

They were alleged to have conducted a mini-convention in Abuja where Akamukale was said to have proclaimed himself as the national chairman of the DPP in an attempt to force the party into the merger. The Delta State leadership of the party had got wind of the political under-currents as regards the merger talks and subsequently warned its members not to attend any political gathering except that of the DPP in the state, saying that failure to adhere to the directive would earn any erring member suspension or outright expulsion.

It stated that irrespective of the position of the national executive council on the merger talks, it will maintain a splendid isolation to avoid balkanising the party in the state where it has the largest followership across the country.

But the political under-current persisted after the warning, leading to the suspension of Ewerhido, Akamukale, Olori and Ogodor by the Delta State Executive Committee. The state chairman of the party, Chief Tony Ezeagwu who pronounced the suspension, said the affected members were suspended “because of gross misconduct and engaging in anti-party activities.”

“We inaugurated a 12-man committee to midwife our joining the APC and we officially applied, but the application was not approved. But Ewherido and Akamukale went ahead and have been attending APC meetings when we have not been admitted into that fold. Akamukale went to INEC to say that he is the acting national chairman of the party in his bid to force us into the merger.

“And as it stands now, we have officially pulled out of the APC because majority of our members including those at the state House of Assembly said they cannot be members of an unregistered political party,” Ezeagwu told Daily Sun in Asaba.

In fact, the leadership of the party appears not to be happy with Ewherido for his romance with the bourgeoning APC when Ogboru who ran against Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan of the ruling PDP in both the January 2011 re-run and the April 2011 elections still has his case pending at the Supreme Court.

“Ogboru has contested every governorship election in the state since 2003; when he first ran against former Governor James Ibori. He still wants to run in 2015, but his ambition may be truncated by the charismatic Senator Ewherido. “In the past, Ogboru was virtually unopposed as the party’s candidate.

But I do not think his word would still be law in the APC and he would have to contend with other aspirants in the party’s primaries should he decides to run,” a party source said.

According to the source, the state DPP is also weary of aligning with the APC against the PDP so as not to rattle President Goodluck Jonathan, a fellow Niger Deltan in the 2015 presidential election, adding that “instead of aligning with the opposition parties, a hopeful Ogboru whose case against Uduaghan as regards the re-run election comes up early next month at the Supreme Court may decamp to the PDP should he win and so was not disposed to be a part of the merger which Ewherido is very passionate about. These are the issues.”

However, reacting to the suspension of the DPP stalwarts, the faction loyal to Senator Ewherido described the “purported suspension as a ruse, nullity and complete sham that lacks tenable locus standi.” The vice chairman of the party in the state, Henry Olori, the state auditor, Chris Ezeuko and a leader of the party, E.U. Opukiri who jointly addressed a press conference recently said the decision by the state DPP to join APC was taken at the National Executive Committee (NEC) in a special convention held recently.

“Chief Great Ogboru, the DPP governorship candidate in the last election was at the meeting where the DPP resolved to join APC, and was part of the 12-man committee, but decided to discontinue when it was clear to him that he will not get the APC governorship ticket unopposed as he used to. “The purported suspension was orchestrated by those whose stock in trade is reaping handsomely from electoral defeats through unholy financial dealings with the ruling party,” the DPP leaders stated.

Meanwhile, the PDP-led Delta State Government appears ready to woo Ewherido back into its fold by apparently cashing-in on the unsavoury developments in the DPP. The state government through the Commissioner for Information, Chike Ogeah recently signed a goodwill message in the print media congratulating the senator on his 50th birthday anniversary.

But a source close to the commissioner told Daily Sun that the birthday message to Ewherido had no political under-one, but a standard practice by the government to congratulate prominent citizens of the state who attained the golden age.

“The practice is a standard thing to do for prominent citizens of the state including public office holders, traditional rulers and those in the private sector.

Recall that we did a similar thing for Edo State Governor, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole of the ACN because of the historical affinity between Edo and Delta states. “We could not have done that to woo Oshiomhole to the PDP. It is not our duty to do that, so it is a standard thing here, that a prominent citizen clocked 50, hence the goodwill message. There is no political attachment,” he stated.

On December 20, 2012 when the National Assembly approved a harmonised N4.987 trillion 2013 budget, no one, not even the lawmakers could predict that the nation would be locked in a budget impasse a few months later.

That is exactly what has happened with the 2013 budget. For some pundits, it is inconceivable that having passed a budget, the executive arm of government would return the same document and demand an amendment; considering the fact that the same budget had been assented to.

At the point of the president, penning his signature to the budget, it becomes an Act of the National Assembly. The only logical thing to do, after the president’s assent, is to seek a supplementary budget where some details and figures are either corrected or added.

That has been the convention but all that changed in 2008 when the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, rather than assent to the budget, returned it for amendment.

One of the reasons for returning the budget then, was that the final figures had allegedly been inflated. The late president demanded a re-jigging of some of the figures. At the end of the day, the two arms of government agreed that a benchmark be set in annual budgets for constituency projects for National Assembly members.

The deal worked and subsequently, N100 billion was earmarked for constituency projects of all 469 members of the National Assembly.

The convention held for the 2009 – 2011 fiscal years. In 2012, for the first time, the executive submitted details of the 2012 budget in October 2011. It was in compliance with a request from the National Assembly that if they got the budget early, they could pass same early and Nigeria could return to the good, old days when the country’s fiscal year ran from January-December.

This even prompted a patting on the back to both sides from Presidential Adviser on National Assembly Matters, Senator Joy Emodi, who, as former Education Committee Chairman in the Sixth National Assembly, knew the importance of working early on the budget.

That was certainly the intention when the budget was passed on December 20, 2012, giving the executive 11 clear days to scrutinise the budget, raise objections where necessary, making room for adjustments and allowing the president assent to it within the same time frame.

That has clearly not been the case because rather than assent, myriad reasons for not signing the bill surfaced thereafter. In one instance, both parties agreed that the budget details were not transmitted to the Presidency, justifying same that when the president addressed the joint sitting of the National Assembly, he only submitted estimates while the details were forwarded to the Appropriation and Finance Committees at a later date.

While that excuse lasted, it also emerged that the transmission date of the budget from the Clerk of the National Assembly to the Presidency was another issue. It should be stated quickly that executive-NASS friction over the budget subsided within the 2009 -2011 fiscal years.

While the tension lasted, there were frightening media reports over whether the National Assembly would veto the president’s assent. In the end, without any fanfare, Aso Rock announced that President Goodluck Jonathan had signed the 2013 budget into law. Relief spread across the land, but thereafter, details of the deal struck on the budget between the two arms of  government emerged.

It so happened that in the interregnum when the president delayed his assent, the Finance Ministry and the National Budget Office had gone through the new budget with a fine tooth-comb only to discover that the National Assembly had  moved some funds from the recurrent expenditure to capital projects without consultation with the Presidency.

In fact, the brickbats traded between the two arms of government soon became messy to the point where the National Assembly leadership was allegedly fingered as being behind the ‘unauthorised’ movement of the subheads in the budget.

On another plank, some bigwigs in the executive pointed at some projects which were hitherto supposed to be implemented by the executive but which were hijacked by the National Assembly. Some members of the National Assembly leadership were even alleged to have put some of those projects smack in their senatorial districts/ federal constituencies without any regard for consultation or due process.

Not done yet, some influential committee chairmen were accused of moving funds meant for capital projects of ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) to implementing projects in their constituencies. What this meant was that money already allocated for MDAs in recurrent expenditure were crudely slashed and moved over to fund capital projects of influential National Assembly members.

Conveniently, the executive pointed accusing fingers at the National Assembly but failed to admit, also, that some certain votes were also allocated to sacred cows in the Federal Executive Council (FEC) by way of capital projects. In fact, tempers boiled to a point on the floor of the House of Representatives one day when a ranking member from the South-east accused a minister from his geo-political zone of ‘hijacking’ his constituency projects!

While the accusations and counter-accusations lasted, there was no presidential assent to the budget but rather flurry of meetings ensued between Aso Rock and the leadership of the National Assembly.

And when the president agreed to sign the budget, he did so without any principal officer or designated officers in attendance. Daily Sun reliably gathered that were the president to even invite the National Assembly leadership to the signing ceremony, a certain presiding officer would not honour the invitation. That was a first in the Fourth Republic.

After the presidential assent, however, it, again, emerged that there was a gentleman’s agreement on the budget. Owing to complaints about the alleged padding and movement of figures in the budget, it was agreed that implementation of constituency projects of lawmakers would not end with the expiration of the 2012 Appropriation Act.

The two arms of government agreed that the implementation be shifted forward to April 12, 2013; to allow the Ministry of Special Duties (which had by this time agreed between the two parties as the central ministry to handle the projects) monitor and complete the projects. Perhaps, this would be done in consultation with the Presidential Adviser on Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) because it has since emerged that the MDGs department is also involved in the execution of constituency projects of NASS members.

With that and some other ‘sweetheart’ agreements, the president was encouraged to approach the National Assembly for a supplementary budget and not an entire re-working of the 2013 budget.

The latest impasse is predicated on just that, because on March 14, when the president returned the budget, he listed some clauses he was not comfortable with. The president’s correspondence was read on the floor of the Senate on March 19. Immediately after Senate President David Mark read the president’s letter, the body language of some members on the floor showed that the 2013 budget had sailed into stormy waters in the legislature.

The March 14 letter addressed to Mark reads in part: “I seize this opportunity to express my appreciation to the National Assembly for giving accelerated hearing to the 2013 budget proposal and passing it in record time. This, indeed, demonstrates the enduring partnership between the two arms of government in discharging our shared responsibility for nation-building.

“However, as noted in our various consultative meetings with the leadership and various committees of the National Assembly following the passage of the budget, it became imperative that certain provisions including cuts to personnel cost across the service and provisions for some capital projects be changed through an amendment budget.

“Distinguished Senate President, the overriding objective remains to help improve the lives of Nigerians. In this respect, I hereby forward  a copy each, of the 2013 Amendment Budget Proposal and the 2013 Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE-P) Amendment Budget Proposal. It is my hope that the distinguished members of the Senate will consider and approve these revised proposals in your usual expeditious manner.

“Furthermore, the 2013 Appropriation Act includes clauses which may be injurious to the spirit of separation of powers and which would hamper the work of the executive arm of government.

“I, therefore, request that these should be reviewed. The relevant clauses are: Clause 6(II) which states that: “The Accountant-General of the Federation shall forward to the National Assembly full details of funds released to government agencies immediately such funds are released,” while Clause 9 states that: “ All accounting officers of ministries, parastatals and departments of government who control heads of expenditures shall upon coming into effect of this Act furnish the National Assembly on quarterly basis with detailed information on the internally generated revenue of the Agency in any form whatsoever.”

These two clauses, said the president, “run counter to the established chain of reporting.”

President Jonathan continues: “Clause 7 states that: “The Minister of Finance shall ensure that funds appropriated under this Act are released to the appropriate agencies and/or organs of government as and when due, provided that no funds for any quarter of the fiscal year shall be deferred without prior waiver from the National Assembly.”

Again, the president explained why he was opposed to this clause in the 2013 budget. “This requires the Minister of Finance to seek a waiver from the National Assembly each time the Ministry of Finance cannot make full funds releases to the MDAs when due.

“As you are aware, the nation experiences a shortfall in revenue once in a while and if the minister is to seek a waiver on each occasion, the practice would give down budget implementation, as this would involve the minister writing a formal letter to the National Assembly, presented in plenary and sent to the relevant committees for discussion. These would create delays and constraints on the budget implementation; and “Clause 10 states: “All revenue however described, including all fees received, fines, grants, budgetary provisions and all internally and externally generated revenue shall not to be spent by the Security and Exchange Commission for recurrent or capital purposes or for any other matters, nor liabilities thereon incurred except with prior appropriation and approval by the National Assembly.”

Jonathan added: Considering the fact that the budget of the SEC does not form part of the core 2013 federal budget as presented to the National Assembly, I believe that this clause ought not to have been inserted in the 2013 Appropriation Act in the first place.

“Secondly, the import of the clause is tantamount to shutting down the business of the Commission with a potential negative impact on the capital market. While continuing to count on the productive partnership of the Senate in our national transformation efforts, please, accept, distinguished Senate President, the assurances of my highest consideration…”

Information gathered from lawmakers indicated that at this point, the president had some sympathisers in a particular chamber. That sympathy simply vanished when thereafter, copies of the budget were returned and it emerged that all the three volumes of the 2013 budget came for amendment.

Curiously, the constituency projects of lawmakers were not included in the details for amendment. Besides, sources on the Senate Appropriation Committee told Daily Sun that instead of asking for an amendment, the executive “just dumped the budget with the National Assembly without any explanations whatsoever. Unlike in the Fifth National Assembly where the executive would meet with the relevant committees and forward what should be done and particular areas needing re-working, no such thing happened…”

Patiently, the National Assembly waited and rather than commence work, lawmakers chose to first, go on their Easter recess and after two weeks, waited for Aso Rock officials connected with the budget to make the first move.

That move happened on Thursday, May 2, almost two months after the document was dumped in the National Assembly. At an expanded meeting with the National Assembly committees on Appropriation and Finance, Coordinating Minister for the Economy and Finance Minister, Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala reportedly told bemused lawmakers to brace up for gloomy days ahead on capital projects implementation.

In the amendment sought by Aso Rock, contrary to promises made by the president, recurrent expenditure was increased with a reduction in the capital budget.

A breakdown of the amendment sought by the Presidency as published on Senate’s Order Paper of Thursday, May 9 shows that statutory transfers are now N388,,063,000,000 as against N387,976,000,000 (an increase of N87 billion) passed by the National Assembly.

The recurrent capital expenditure has been increased from N2,386,024,770,349 to N2,418,976,391,494 (an increase of N32,951,621,145) while the capital budget has been reduced from N1,621,455,655,252 to N1,588,578,805,197 (N32,876,850,055) making a total increase of N152,828,471, 200

No one could have predicted the mild drama which stalled work on the amendment process in the Senate last Thursday. When it was time for the 2013 budget amendment to commence, Senate Leader Victor Ndoma-Egba (SAN) informed his bemused colleagues that his lead debate was simply “not ready.” He moved that consideration of the amendment be moved to “another legislative date.” Hearty laughter rang out in the chamber.

Taking the cue, Minority Leader George Akume promptly seconded Ndoma-Egba’s motion. Topping it up was the Senate President who jocularly noted the “cogent reason” given by the Senate Leader.

It had not always been like this. Since the commencement of the Seventh National Assembly on June 6, 2011, the Senate has always been the voice of reason in the tepid relationship between the federal legislature and Aso Rock.

For the same chamber to now turn the other eye shows that there’s something amiss between the White House and Aso Rock. This  much was told the Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Board of Trustees, Chief Tony Anenih at an informal parley on Wednesday, May 8.

A Senator at the parley told Daily Sun that lawmakers pointedly told Anenih that should they open up on all “that is in our stomach against President Jonathan, we won’t leave here in one day…”

The import of that statement was not lost on the Esan High Chief who politely asked for an enlarged meeting with the National Assembly leadership on another day.

It is hoped that the trouble-shooting efforts of Chief Anenih would work because as at Friday, May 10, lawmakers in both chambers had vowed not to accede to the president’s request.

Perhaps, wary of the annual battle to raise accurate budget figures and the corresponding revenue profile on which the budget rests from the executive arm of government, the National Assembly has decided to do the needful: Establish its own budget office.

The project had been a long time in the cooler. In fact, the idea of a budget office for the legislature was conceived as far back as 2005, but somehow, the project stalled.

In the Sixth National Assembly, the project was almost revived under the leadership of Senate President David Mark. But the momentum was lost before the tenure of that assembly lapsed.

This time around, Senate Leader, Victor Ndoma-Egba, is in the vanguard for the establishment of NABRO (National Assembly Budget and  Research Office). The Majority Leader of the Senate is certainly not known to be a frivolous lawmaker. Serving out a third term, the Senator, representing Cross River Central Senatorial District, is known to achieve whatever he sets his mind to do.

And so, when NABRO was read for the first time in the Senate few weeks back, there was excitement, not only in the chamber but in the National Assembly because civil servants, who had hitherto been deployed for the take-off of the office were hindered by the lack of corresponding legislation that would make them function.

The NABRO, when the bill eventually becomes law, would essentially help the National Assembly monitor estimates of annual Appropriation Bills prepared by the Executive arm of government.

In the bill under consideration, Ndoma-Egba noted that NABRO should provide the legislature with objective, timely and non-partisan analysis needed for economic and budget decisions, among other things.

Sponsored by Senate Leader, the bill has scaled first reading on the floor of the Senate.

As part of its core functions, the proposed National Assembly budget office will report annually to both chambers of the National Assembly all items funded in the preceding financial year for which no appropriation was made by the National Assembly and all items contained in the Appropriation Act in the preceding financial year but which were not funded by the Federal Government.

It is to be headed by a Director-General, who shall also report to a governing board made up of a chairman and six members and shall“provide independent and continuous review of the federal government budgets including monitoring of existing and proposed programmes.

“Provide independent unbiased analysis of the budget of the National Assembly and assist all the committees of the National Assembly in developing their annual budgets.”

Essentially, the NABRO will provide assistance to all committees in both chambers of the National Assembly including but not limited to information with respect to budget and all bills relating to new budget heads; information with respect to estimated future revenue and changing revenue conditions.

Besides, the Director-General shall obtain information, data, estimates and statistics directly from ministries, departments and agencies. More than that, the new law provides that “the Director General may, upon agreement with the head of any MDA utilise its services, facilities and personnel as needed by the (National Assembly Budget and Research) Office.”

If the new bill becomes law, the Director General may assign professional and other staff of the Office to any MDA including joint ventures where government is a party for the purpose of obtaining primary data and statistics.

It is also expected to supply information with respect to estimated future revenue and changing revenue conditions.

Other functions of the budget office, as stated in the bill, includes to “provide analysis of the economic implication on the private sector, the budgetary and financial implication on states and local government of any proposed legislation when so required by any committee of the National Assembly.”

The Budget Office will also be required to prepare and present to the National Assembly periodic forecasts of economic trends and alternative fiscal policies; provide the National Assembly with cost estimates including an analysis of the inflationary impact of any proposed legislation.

In addition, the office will report annually to both chambers of the National Assembly all items funded in the preceding financial year for which no appropriation was made by the National Assembly and all items contained in the Appropriation Act in the preceding financial year but which were not funded by the Federal Government.

The NABRO is expected to do this not later than June of every year.The office is also expected to publish and disseminate information it generates including reports, analysis, forecasts, etc.

As proposed in the NABRO law, the office will be managed by a governing board which will comprise a Chairman and six members representing each of the six geographical zones of the country, as well as a Director General and three ex-officio members.

Chairman and members of the board will be appointed by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.

However, the Chairman and members of the board, excluding the Director General and ex-officio members could be removed from office by simple majority of the votes of each House of the National Assembly.

Chairman of the Senate Appropriation Committee, Ahmed Mohammed Maccido told Daily Sun that while the legislature fine tunes legislative work on the new office, lawmakers are already proactive on its establishment.

He explained that already, the National Assembly has hit the ground running by setting up the office with supply of vehicles and employment and training of management and administrative staff.

Maccido, a prince of Sokoto emirate, said the composition of the staff is such that manpower is sourced from the Senate, the House of Representatives and the National Assembly management.

“We facilitated the establishment of the NABRO now in order to facilitate the office information which would enable us interact with the world. In fact, our goal is to make sure that regardless of the information anybody requires of the Nigerian budget, they can access such information easily online.

“Setting up the office has no financial implication for government because it is a seamless transition for some of the staff. The only empowerment we did was to organise series of retreats for the staff and that opened our eyes to running of a budget office. We engaged professionals and consultants who also opened our eyes to the budgetting process…”

Laudable as NABRO is on paper, in practical terms, would the executive arm of government not see the new body as a duplication of budgetary duties?

Asked if the president would assent to the new bill, Maccido replied: “So long as we pass the bill in our various chambers, we don’t care about the assent…?

With the existing mutual suspicion over budget details, can the NABRO carry out and justify its mandate without executive interference? Left unresolved, for now, is the litigation threatened by the executive in approaching the Supreme Court over which arm of government has the final say on national budgets. And so, with the proposed establishment of the NABRO, it is uncertain whether the executive will bite the bullet and get a final resolution on the vexatious matter.

Any way, as Ndoma-Egba is wont to say when faced with knotty national issues: ‘We’ll cross the bridge when we get there; let’s get to the bridge first.’

Son of the late Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Emeka Ojukwu Jr., yesterday in Nnewi, told reporters that his father never made any wish for Governor Peter Obi of Anambra State to be re-elected in the 2010 gubernatorial election, contending that it was a political gimmick.

He noted that the so-called wish was the only strategy to draw the support of Anambra voters since the time was short to shop for another candidate for the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA). “It is a fact that my father was the pivotal factor.

That and Chief Umeh’s strategies, the billboards, the posters, the so-called “last wish,” all were designed to raise sentiment. To tap into that enduring love the majority has for Ezeigbo, to galvanise an otherwise lacklustre campaign into a victory for Governor Obi.

“Actually, I had resigned long before then but to my father, the survival of the APGA was paramount. After several meetings during which alternatives to Governor Obi were considered, it was the consensus that with limited time on our hands and the lack of uncommitted credible aspirants, ‘the devil you know’ was better than a gamble.

“To him, the APGA was the symbol of Igbo unity. The means with which Igbos could sit around the table to negotiate at the federal level to be able to better protect our interests.”

Reacting to the allegation that he was now fighting the governor who helped his father, Ojukwu Jr. asked: “Are you referring to the support given by Governor Obi to an ailing man who raised him up from political obscurity to national prominence?

A man who made him governor, then rescued him from impeachment and then re-installed him to power when he arrived at Government House, Awka, to personally order the handover of power after the court decision removing Dr. Andy Ubah? Although I am grateful for whatever support he gave Ikemba, it was his duty to do so.”

To answer the last part of your question, the nature of any relationship between two people is primarily determined by the disposition of the more dominant party. As a governor, perhaps you should refer that question to him.”

Honourable Raphael Nnanna Igbokwe is a member of the House of Representatives. In this interview, he gave insight into the motive and scope of his proposed bill on Parliamentary immunity. He also spoke on another bill on contempt of Parliament.

The PDP Chieftain from Imo State asserted that both bills if passed into law, were designed to strengthen democratic institutions in the country, insisting that it was not a self-serving effort as many critic insinuate. You are sponsoring a bill seeking to provide immunity for the members of Parliament in Nigeria.

But this has attracted a lot of criticism from the people.

What is the real motive and scope of this bill?

Essentially, the bill aims at strengthening our democratic institutions; and in this case now, the Legislature.

That is the primary aim. And this was drawn out of my experience over the years. I have been in the Imo State House of Assembly from 2003-2007. And for two years, I was chairman, Committee on Inter-parliamentary Relations.

Thereafter, I was Chief of Staff of the House of Assembly; and I was in charge of knowledge management and development. After that, I moved down here and I am a member of Inter-parliamentary Committee of the House of Representatives. I am laying this foundation that over the years, we attend conferences, symposia and workshops, and we do exchange ideas. And parliamentarians have this problem. Let’s not shy away from it.

You know, most of them live under fear without the boldness to be able to say their mind. In fact, in some parliaments, you have to take the order paper, the programme to the Government House for approval of matters to be discussed before you come to parliament.

Is this thing you are telling me happening in Nigeria or in other countries?

What I am telling you is happening here in Nigeria, not elsewhere. That is the experience of some colleagues in some Parliaments in Nigeria. I observed it all these years I have been in politics. You can’t have the guts.

Why are Nigerians crying over local government autonomy?

You know that in some local governments, immediately the allocation comes, you must go and bring certain amount and deposit it somewhere before you come and collect your allocation. What we are seeing now is that Nigerians are craving for direct allocation to local governments, financial autonomy for the Judiciary at the state and so on.

How are these things going to happen?

They are going to happen after the passage of the Alteration Act here then the two-thirds of the state houses of assembly assent to it. Now, where is the courage for the state houses of assembly to do that ? This bill is not about the National Assembly, it is about the legislative houses, which include both the National and state houses of assembly. We are saying, equip these people for them to be bold enough to carry out the expectations of the people.

And you are saying that you don’t want that. I think the problem with the whole issue is the word immunity. What is being sought here is just protection against wordsspoken. And it is not absolute immunity.

What is the scope of the Immunity being sought through the bill?

The scope of the immunity is just about the word spoken; opinion expressed or suggestions raised while in the chamber. After the chamber you are on your own. Even if you engage in any other criminal conduct in the chamber you are on your own. Our business is talking; it’s arguing and asking questions.

That is our core function. If you send a man to farm, you give him a hole to enable him do a good job, and that is what we are talking about.

Are you saying that if the bill passes into law, any words spoken in the legislative chambers will not be actionable in the court of law?

Yes, that is the universal parliamentary convention or practice. It is not peculiar to us.

To me, if we are able to put the law in place, it will help to demonstrate our level of commitment in deepening democracy. So, if we have been confronted and said, please pass the money laundering Act, pass the ICPC Act, pass the Fiscal Responsibility Act; these are the requirements, these are the global trends now to enable the financial action task force to delist us from the list of financial non-compliant countries.

If they said look, pass these laws because it is the global practice now to enable us qualify for the cancellation of debt, and we did it, it is to make sure that we fall in line with global best practices. Also, we were bold enough to make allocation to the Judiciary to become a first line charge in the Consolidated Revenue Fund; we made allocation to INEC a first line charge to the Consolidated Revenue Fund.

We were doing all these things to strengthen all these institutions; it is not about the person. Now, the Legislature at least, has amended the law to increase the retirement age of judges to seventy years. We are not doing that for ourselves, we are doing that to enhance the capacity of the Judiciary so that the younger ones can tap from the wealth of experience of the older ones.

Recently, we passed a bill, increasing the number of judges to a hundred. We did not do it for ourselves; we did it to have more judges in the system for quicker dispensation of justice. You were here in this country at the wake of electioneering period, a new INEC chairman was appointed. Jega came inß and told Nigerians that the fund available was not enough for him to prosecute a free and fair election; that he needed N79 billion.

The legislature convened, amended the Appropriation Act and gave approval for that fund. What we were interested in was strengthening that institution, our electoral institution.

Along the line, we have issues with deliveries of materials on April. Election was stalled in a lot of areas, which means an extension of time. And going to conduct that election that time, the constitutional provision would have been breached; it would have been null and void.

The National Assembly convened and amended the election time table , now changing it not earlier than 150 days and not later than 30 days to accommodate in the interest of democracy and also in building that institution. Recently, in the 2013 budget, the leadership was very emphatic on the need to increase the funding of the Judiciary for their computerization system so that their processes in court can now be faster and less cumbersome. I was happy that few days ago, the Chief Justice of Nigeria was informing Nigerians on a network news that the project had started. We were doing those things to strengthen the system.

Chief Judge will come and go but the Judiciary as an institution will remain. And it will benefit the common man. So, I will see it from that point of view, and not the misinterpretation given to this wonderful bill.

Why do you think that those who should know better and educate others, such as lawyers and even Senior Advocates of Nigeria, SAN, were criticizing the bill? Was it a product of ignorance or mischief on their part?

With due respect, they are supposed to be experts in this area. I am not a lawyer; but I know that in the practice of law, for you to be on top of issues, you need to be abreast of current happenings. With my elementary knowledge of the law, if a court has declared a session of the Constitution null and void, in the eyes of the law, it is deemed not to exist anymore.

So, the sections of the Legislative Act they are referring to was nullified by Court of Appeal in Enugu in the case of Balonwu vs Peter Obi. If you recall, Peter Obi was impeached and Etiaba became the Acting Governor. The matter now went to court and even the Supreme Court agreed with the lower court and reinstated Peter Obi.

So, to answer your question, I can say that may be the lawyers and the Senior advocates that you made reference to had not drawn their attention to this judgment; else, they would have given another opinion about the issue. So, it is not sacrosanct that whatever a SAN says is correct because nobody is a repository of knowledge.

You need to be updating yourself every now and then. And that is the position.

What are the similarities and differences between your bill and that of Honourable  Ali Ahmed because the  two of you appear to be working together?

Now, they are two bills. One is altering the Constitution and the other is going to amend that legislative houses powers and privileges Act because a court has nullified certain sections of it.

That is one leg of it. In the section that I cited, the Constitution recognizes that people could find themselves into chambers and participate in the activities of Parliament when they are not supposed to. I said no, it shall be an offence and it shall be punishable by an Act of the National Assembly.

The Constitution does not provide punishments and penalties for offences. So, we have brought an amendment to give us protection over words spoken or opinion expressed on the floor of the House. And now, we are going one step further on the other side to say, it is important that we know the body, spirit, letter and wordings of the bill to be able to appreciate it.

The way it is now, section 4 of the Principal Act is altered by inserting new sub-sections 7&8 to read: in the course of exercising the foregoing legislative power,  civil or criminal proceeding shall not be instituted against a member of a legislative house in respect of words spoken or written before the house or a committee thereof unless that legislative house shall have waved this privilege or immunity in respect of that member. Nothing here suggests that we are looking for immunity outside words spoken, opinion canvassed and suggestions raised.

And that is all.

The critics of your bill were saying that the legislators were seeking to perpetuate corruption through the proposed Act. What is your view on this?

The issue now is, how does this protect corruption; to you, does that not look stupid and nauseating? You have seen the wordings of the bill. Okay, wait for the other bill, the amendment bill. We give provision that if you are caught in any misdemeanor or collection of bribe you go for two years imprisonment. It has never been provided. This is to show the seriousness in the matter.

I have written to about fifty countries so far. The Constitutions of thirty-five of them also captured the same thing. We are making comparison to ensure that the action we are taking falls within the universal best practices. I wrote to fifty embassies. Now, this is the reply from the Brazilian Embassy; their article 53 says: “Deputies and Senators enjoy civil and criminal inviolability on account of opinions, words and vote. I wrote to Indonesia. Look at their reply in article 28(3): other than rights regulated in other articles of this Constitution, every DPR member shall hold the right to submit question, the right to propose suggestion and opinions and right of immunity.

DPR is their own Legislature; I will get the full meaning for you. Now, this is Malaysia; look at article 63(2): no person can be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of thing said or any vote given by him when taking part in any proceedings of either House of Parliament or any committee thereof. Let me come down closer, this is South Africa.

See what session  58 of South African Constitution says:  cabinet members, deputy-ministers and members of National Assembly have freedom of speech in the Assembly and its committee subject to its rules and order and are not liable to civil or criminal proceedings, arrest, imprisonment or damages for anything that they have said or produced before, submitted to the assembly or any of its Committees.

This is Ghana: the Embassy replied me and said, section 115 of their Constitution reads thus: freedom of speech and proceeding: there shall be freedom of speech, debate and proceedings  in Parliament and that freedom shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Parliament. They came down to section 116, which is on immunity from proceedings or acts in Parliament to say that civil or criminal proceedings shall not be instituted against a member of Parliament in any court or place out of Parliament for any matter or thing brought by him in or before Parliament by petition, bill, motion or otherwise. So, I can go on and on.

Therefore, what is new about this?

We are a member of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. In the last convention or conference held in Johannesburg, South Africa in July, 2012,  part of the resolution was that each member legislature should go back and endeavour to strengthen  democratic institutions, starting from the legislature. And if this is the convention, we are party to it. And we are trying to domesticate it. I don’t see how it becomes an issue.

Look at this scenario, if you ask us as our officer-in-charge (O C) to go and engage some armed robbers or kidnappers and you gave one a bullet-proof and you left the other without any protective device; who among the two will be more courageous to go and execute the task?

That is the issue. Besides there is the outstanding orders in the House Rule that tend to censor the use of offensive and derogatory statements. We already have powers on the Chair. The presiding officer can never allow such things to happen.

And if you err, you will be sanctioned. So, it is not an absolute immunity; it is classified, which is limited to words spoken on the floor. From your explanations so far, it appears that Nigerians misunderstood the intentions of the House and the Bill. Do you have any appeal to make in this respect? Now, it is for the good of Nigerians that this Bill scales through.

I don’t have any special interest. I was only motivated to create enabling environment for the legislators to perform their duties. You have told us that we are the voice of the people. Then, how can I talk if my voice is not protected.

I don’t lose anything if the Bill is not passed into law. It will only limit the way I now talk. I may not ask questions; even I will now benefit because it will make me keep calm and I will now be able to romance with the people I supposed to oversight and get favour from them. I don’t know but that is the truth. I am telling you, I am ready to fight your cause; I am ready to ask questions. I moved the motion on the NNPC loan. It took me a lot of courage to do that. A lot of members were hiding, that they will say that you are attacking the President.

These things supposed to get approval. Where is it contained in our medium term expenditure framework? It is not there. We are asking questions. That is the very essence. Apart from this, I also made an amendment to the bill to criminalize contempt. These things were initiated long ago before these issues started coming up. In the House, you cannot bring a bill today and it surfaces within one month because this is a House of 360 people.

So, you must wait on the line. And I want to tell you that this Bill has been on board for the past three months! But why do you want contempt of the National Assembly criminalised? Well, as it is now, the Constitution only assisted to a point, which now created a vacuum.

And at best, the coloration it has given to contempt there is more of a civil contempt and not a criminal one. So, I said that until we are able to create a criminal burden on anybody who elects dishonouring  invitation, there will be no commitment or motivation on the part of people to honour. One, it will help to eliminate this issue of misrepresentation.